Last update
2023-01-16 08:23:31

    Leaked FBI files show that the Bureau has for many years been investigating the problem of white supremacist infiltration of police and other law enforcement agencies, with which they have “active links.” Police message boards and Facebook groups are rife with racism and paranoid, violent posts about Antifa and Black Lives Matter protesters. At least five police trainers who have trained hundreds of officers around the country were found to have similar records of far-right postings. A shocking number of cops subscribe to the QAnon “theory,” a delusional fantasy based on a series of anonymous social media posts that holds Donald Trump is at the head of a battle to save the country from a pedophilic cabal of Democratic elites. A recent survey of one-sixth of US sheriffs found they’re a lot more conservative than the average American and backed Trump’s actions while he was in office.

    Americans have already gotten a taste of this with the events of January 6, where thirty off-duty police officers were among the crush of people who forced their way into the Capitol to try and stop the certification of the 2020 election result. Since then, we’ve learned there’s a worrying degree of sympathy, or at best indifference, toward the extreme, violent elements of the riot and their motives among a variety of law enforcement agencies.

    We’ve seen similar stories play out elsewhere. A police mutiny was a central part of the successful far-right coup in Bolivia in 2019, before democracy later prevailed. Meanwhile, as the New York Times reported in 2015, the disappearance of firearms from police stations and subsequent rumors that they were headed to the capital was a key precipitating factor in the toppling of Ukraine’s president in 2014 — an episode that should be especially relevant to Americans, given the piles of dangerous military equipment that even local police forces have been given since September 11.

    The so-called “black hole” in the public finances is not real, in the sense that the government suddenly has less money. It is calculated from looking at forecasts for economic growth, and the government’s own target for debt reduction. Change the forecasts, or change the debt reduction target, and the “black hole” magically shrinks. Already in the last few weeks it has been reduced by £10bn or so as a result of better forecasts for future interest rates. Changing the debt target could shrink it further. But talking up the “black hole” today is useful expectations management for the government – softening us up to expect the worst, and then claiming the plaudits when austerity isn’t as bad as expected.

    No one should fall for tricks like this. Austerity is a choice, not an economic necessity – a choice, fundamentally, to prioritise big finance over the rest of the economy. Changing or ditching the debt target, and taxing the rich, would allow our public services to be properly funded.

    The findings highlight the enormous gaps between what have been termed “the polluting elite”, whose high-carbon lifestyles fuel the climate crisis, and the majority of people, even in developed countries, whose carbon footprints are far smaller.

    It would take 26 years for a low earner to produce as much carbon dioxide as the richest do in a year, according to Autonomy’s analysis of income and greenhouse gas data from 1998 to 2018, which found that people earning £170,000 or more in 2018 in the UK were responsible for greenhouse gas emissions far greater than the 30% of people earning £21,500 or less in the same year.


    The UK is not alone in having such a gulf between high and low earners on greenhouse gas emissions. A growing body of research points to the existence of a “polluting elite” whose lifestyles bear little relation to those of the majority of people. This holds true in developed and developing countries, where the poorest tend to be responsible for a tiny amount of greenhouse gas emissions, while those with most wealth are comparable in their impact with the elite of rich countries.

    The actions taken by most people, such as turning off lights to save energy, would “make no difference if the government doesn’t address the fact it’s the rich who are disproportionately responsible for the climate crisis”.

    Companies like Siemens, Volkswagen, BMW, Daimler-Benz, Dr. Oetker, Porsche, Krupp, IG Farben, and many more cooperated with the SS, which built “satellite concentration camps” near these private companies’ factories and mines where slave laborers toiled in the most appalling conditions. While, after 1945, legal proceedings were launched against Nazi businessmen, almost none would be punished. Industrialists like Günther Quandt, Friedrich Flick, and Ferdinand Porsche were even allowed to keep their assets and continue business as usual. During the “economic miracle” of the 1950s in Germany, they made even bigger fortunes, and their family businesses remain among the most powerful in Germany. Some have even continued to support far-right political parties.

    But how did the relationship between Adolf Hitler and the business and financial elite develop during the interwar period? And why were Nazi businessmen set free after the war, even though their activities were key to the regime’s operations?

    Alongside this article its worth readingThe Other Nuremberg Trials, Seventy-Five Years On by Erica X Eisen on the same subject.


    Each systemic crisis accelerated the expansion of commodity frontiers. As we have seen, capitalism became global when Europe’s budding capitalist economies hit their natural limits. Always short on space to grow commodities and lacking minerals, wood for fuel and the right climate to grow cotton, sugar and coffee, Europe expanded its sites of production to secure its economic expansion. Sugar production provides a classic example of a series of relocations in response to ecological crises and limitations. After droughts eliminated Egypt’s abundant sugar exports in the early 15th century, Cyprus, Sicily and the Iberian Peninsula tried to fill the gap. But the Mediterranean cane fields could not satisfy a growing demand for sugar, and Italian merchants and Iberian monarchs moved sugar frontiers to the Atlantic realm, first to Madeira and the Canary Islands, then into Brazil and the Caribbean. The geographer David Harvey has coined the term ‘spatial fix’ to describe this spatial expansion of commodity production.

    This spatial expansion under the first commodity frontier regime was enabled by a massive enslavement of workers. Eventually, however, the ‘fix’ of slavery created additional crises with yet more global repercussions. Most spectacularly, the hundreds of thousands of enslaved Africans transported to the sugar, coffee and indigo fields of Saint-Domingue rebelled in 1791 and put an end to the world’s largest plantation complex. This was an immensely consequential revolt, a revolution actually, that reverberated throughout the Caribbean region and the Americas. Yet it was only one of the many slave rebellions since the 16th century, rebellions that eventually involved tens of thousands of enslaved workers. Meanwhile, an increasing awareness of the cruelties attending the slave trade and of the horrendous death rates on the plantations fed a rising abolitionist movement, particularly in the United Kingdom. This awareness resulted in an increasing number of European countries banning the slave trade. Continuing massive rebellions by enslaved people in the British West Indies led to a comprehensive ban on slavery within the British Empire beginning in 1834, followed by the French Empire in 1848, the US in 1865, Cuba in 1886, and Brazil in 1888.

    The crisis of Europe’s slave-based commodity frontiers in the Americas in the early 19th century was ‘fixed’ by an expansion of mass commodity production in other parts of the Americas as well as in colonial Asia and Africa, which was built upon the enhanced infrastructural, military and bureaucratic capabilities of states allowing them to control ever larger territories and populations.



    La filmographie de Carole Laure est impressionnante. Elle a eu la chance de tourner avec de grands réalisateurs comme Bertrand Blier, Jean-Charles Tacchella, Jean-Pierre Mocky et tant d’autres. « J’ai eu tellement de bons partenaires », dit-elle. Elle pense à Jean Yanne, Jean-Louis Trintignant, Patrick Dewaere et Jeanne Moreau, notamment.

    Carole Laure a souvent accepté d’endosser des scénarios audacieux, qui « allaient très loin », comme elle dit. Pour cela, il faut qu’une grande confiance s’établisse entre le réalisateur et l’actrice. J’aborde le sujet de cette confiance. Le cas du film Sweet Movie, du réalisateur yougoslave Dusan Makavejev, est l’éléphant dans la pièce.

    Durant ce tournage cauchemardesque, qui a eu lieu en 1974, le cinéaste a multiplié les demandes « audacieuses » à l’actrice. Celle-ci s’est vue obligée d’appeler son agent français en renfort. « Il m’a sauvée, dit-elle. Il est venu à mon secours. » Résultat : Carole Laure a quitté le plateau.

    « Un jour, j’écrirai ce qui s’est passé. C’est une sorte de #metoo avant l’heure. Il y a eu des menaces criminelles. Cette expérience en dit long sur l’exploitation, le voyeurisme et les agressions. » À partir de là, Carole Laure a exigé que les scénarios soient rattachés à ses contrats. Ce geste a contribué à faire de cette pratique une norme répandue.

    Après l’expérience de SweetMovie, Carole Laure songe à quitter le cinéma. Mais le monde de la création fait maintenant partie de sa vie. Elle ne pourra plus s’en défaire. Sa carrière d’actrice la conduit sur de multiples scènes où elle se produit comme chanteuse et danseuse.


    Cosey Fanni Tutti announces new album 'Delia Derbyshire: The Myths And The Legendary Tapes'


    Nelly Kaplan - Cinéaste révoltée, amie des surréalistes, icône de la Nouvelle Vague et écrivaine farouchement libre, celle qui a bâti une œuvre subversive qui traverse le siècle nous a quittés.

    Féministe, collaboratrice d'Abel Gance, muse de Picasso, réalisatrice de "La fiancée du Pirate" (1969), écrivaine, Nelly Kaplan s'est éteinte à Genève à l'âge de 89 ans, peu de temps après son compagnon, l'acteur et producteur Claude Makowski.


    The British monarchy was central to the establishment, expansion, and maintenance of the British empire and the transatlantic slave trade. The declaration of English empire was first made by Henry VIII in 1532. Elizabeth I granted a royal charter (an instrument of incorporation) to Sir John Hawkins, widely considered one of the first English traders to profit from the slave trade. She also granted a charter to the British East India Company in 1600.

    After Elizabeth’s death, Charles II formed the Royal African Company in 1660, led by the Duke of York (later James II), which extracted goods such as gold and ivory from the Gold Coast, and transported over 3,000 Africans to Barbados. Many of these people had the initials “DY” burned into their skin to signify their belonging to the Duke of York. Both men invested private funds in the company.

    Queen Victoria assumed the title of Empress of India in 1877, and by 1920 the empire was 13.71 million square miles. The British monarch’s global significance and power stemmed directly from the enslavement of people of colour.